DAGUERREIAN HISTORY:
A SEARCH FOR AMERICA

through one collection of primary source photography and John William Draper's The Civil War in America

PART THREE:
ERIE CANAL TO THE RISE OF SECTIONALISM IN AMERICA


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Text and digital images copyright © (1999). All rights reserved. Copying or redistribution in any manner is prohibited. Any public or commercial use of these materials without prior written permission is a violation of copyright law.



TECHNOLOGY IN THE NORTH:
ROBERT FULTON'S STEAMBOAT
"Though mechanical invention had reinvigorated the slave power by bestowing on it the cotton-gin, it had likewise strengthened unionism by another inestimable gift--the steamboat. At the very time that the African slave-trade was prohibited, Fulton was making his successful experiment of the navigation of the Hudson River by steam. This improvement in inland navigation rendered available, in a manner never before contemplated, the river and lake system of the continent; it gave an instantaneous value to the policy of Jefferson, by bringing into effectual use the Mississippi and its tributaries; it crowded with population the shores of the lakes; it threw the whole continent open to commerce, it strengthened the central power at Washington by diminishing space, and while it extended geographically the domain of the republic, it condensed it politically. It bound all parts of the Union more firmly together."*
"The existence of a great harbor at the mouth of the Hudson, with immediate access to the sea, gave to that river a superiority. This natural advantage was strengthened artificially when the canal system of New York was carried into effect. The metropolis of that state then became a chief commercial and financial center."*
THE UTICA & DURHAMVILLE EXPRESS S.C.C.
HEADS WESTWARD ON THE ERIE CANAL
Sixth-plate ambrotype
Photographer unknown c. 1858



Commercialism exploded across the Mid-Atlantic states after completion of the Erie Canal in 1825. This first important American waterway extended across New York State from Buffalo to Troy and Albany. It connected the Atlantic Ocean to the entire Great Lakes system by joining the Hudson River and lake Erie. People and manufactured goods poured westward. Raw materials flowed east. The Erie Canal nourished New York City into a great financial center.

In this frozen moment of American history the Utica & Durhamville Express steam-canal boat prepares for departure loaded with passengers headed into the American West. Boat crewmen mingle with passengers. Spectators watch from the C. Peckham & Sons commercial building.
The instant reflects beautifully in placid waters of the Erie Canal.


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"But in thirty years more the next generation saw yet another wonderful advance--the railroad doubled average speeds again. The consequence of all this was, that political power was rapidly concentrating at Washington. In the concentration of political power the electric telegraph likewise signally assists. Ideas that have come under the ocean, or across the continent, or from innumerable points of the country, are flitting about from station to station. There is no danger that the extremities of the republic will ever be out of reach of the controlling power at its center while the government at Washington can transmit orders to its officers at San Francisco, at New Orleans, or at the Lakes, in the course of a few moments."*
"In the North the population was in a state of unceasing activity; there was corporeal and mental restlessness. Magnificent cities in all directions were arising; the country was intersected with canals, railroads, telegraphs; wherever navigation was possible there were steam-boats in the rivers. Companies for banking, manufacturing, commercial purposes, were often concentrating many millions of capital.* This wonderful spectacle of social development was the result of Individualism, operating in an unbounded theater of action. Every one was seeking to do all that he could for himself. But under this splendid prosperity great evils lay concealed. The family tie was weakened. . . . the recognized standard of social position was wealth."*



THE MISSOURI QUESTION
"The Missouri question stands forth as a prominent landmark in the view of American history. It presents itself so suddenly, so abruptly as to excite surprise."*
At the admission of Ohio in 1803 there was no objection on account of slavery. Likewise Indiana, Louisiana, Vermont, Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama (1819) had been received without any question as to their free or slave condition.
"It is plain, therefore, that something had occurred which was bringing the Slave Question more conspicuously into view. Doubtless society of the North had been experiencing the silent influence of that "spirit of the age which is called Progress." It was believed that the Declaration of Independence was a protest against slavery. The public conscience had at last awakened to the fact. But beneath these moral considerations lay others of a political kind."*
"The Federalist party had been excluded from power for nearly twenty years. Their ideas of centralization were not in harmony with the times; the enactment of the Alien and Sedition laws had afforded the rival party an opportunity of accomplishing their defeat. They had again committed the mistake of openly opposing the War of 1812.* The Federalists now discovered how perilous it is, when war is once commenced, to be found in opposition to the government; and the public, intoxicated by the brilliant results of the duels of the frigates, and wrought up to the highest pitch of military enthusiasm by the victory at New Orleans, were in no temper to forgive them."*
"The Virginia dynasty had become masters of the situation. That dynasty had gained great strength from the acquisition of Louisiana and the free navigation of the Mississippi. There was nothing to stop the slave system, which was now a power in the state, from indefinite westward extension."*
"Adverse fortune and ill-judged policy had brought the Federalist party to its end. Its leaders saw that all was over. New and living issues must be sought for. Not without wisdom did they select another stand-point, and prepare to combat their adversary in his most vulnerable part.* The raising of the Missouri Question was a blow at the labor-system of the South.* The movement they initiated in the Missouri struggle was sure in the end, though party names might change, to be crowned with success.* A compact and an unmistakable formula, of which the purport is easily understood, is invaluable as a party war-cry. To restrain slavery, and eventually to destroy it, became their dogma. It gathered irresistible power, because it was in unison with the sentiment of the times."*
SLAVERY IN THE OLD SOUTH


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"Aunt Jane and Uncle Jerry," domestic slaves owned by a Norfolk, Virginia family c. 1848. Quarter-plate daguerreotype, probably taken in the Jesse H. Whitehurst gallery.



A white child and slave "companion," probably assigned at birth. Sixth-plate daguerreotype, unknown North Carolina photographer, c. 1855.





A slave nurse and two white children from Lynchburg, Virginia. Sixth-plate ambrotype, photographer unknown c. 1858.

"In this manner the North became the champion of Unionism, the South necessarily falling into the theory of state-rights, with its dangerous consequences of nullification and secession. In this manner, also, slavery became the political touchstone. The introduction of the Missouri dispute banded the South together; it agitated to their profoundest depths the populations of the North."*



SECTIONALISM
"In the decade between 1820 and 1830 the essential distinction between the labor of the North and that of the South had become clearly manifest. In the former it was machinery, in the latter slaves. Labor is the basis of national prosperity--the basis of national power. Not without reason, therefore, did the two sections, in their rivalry, strike at each other in that part. To regain her lost influence in the republic, the North acted wisely in commencing the Missouri struggle, because she could rest her action on a great moral idea; and a true idea, no matter what may be the physical resistance it encounters, will inevitably, at last, force its way."*
"For the same reason, the South discreetly changed its ground. Even at the time of the Missouri struggle its most anxious desire was, as in subsequent years, "only to be let alone." It did not dare to meet its rival on the Slave Question, for throughout Southern society there were the most serious misgivings as to the morality of the assailed institution. Instead, therefore, of maintaining a defensive war on the indefensible question of slavery, the South boldly assumed the offensive, carrying her operations into the territory of her antagonist, and, by striking at the tariff, struck at her basis of labor. Her action in this matter was known as Nullification."*
"Great political principles soon become embodied in representative men. Mr. Clay presents himself, though a man of Southern birth and Western residence, as the defender of the labor-system of the North. His American system protects the home manufacturer, and puts its trust in machinery. He has no faith in the slave. His love of Union is instinctive; it is the attribute of his party. On the other side stands Mr. Calhoun, the defender of the labor-system of the South. He has no confidence in and no patronage for machinery. A great republic has no charms for him; his maxim is state-rights. Mr. Webster, who had first appeared as an advocate for free trade and an opponent of the principle of protection, adopted in due season high-tariff views; and Mr. Calhoun, who had looked with favor on tariff principles originally, was brought into strenuous opposition to them."*
"THE THREE WHIGS"
Carte-de-visite lithographic photograph
Distributed by Edward Anthony of New York c. 1862


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Three great Whig Party statesmen during a period of increasing sectionalism in American history.

--On left is John C. Calhoun (1782-1850). Calhoun was Vice President of the United States and later a sectional spokesman for South Carolina. To protect Southern interests he advocated the divisive principles of nullification and secession.
--In the middle is the statesman and orator Daniel Webster (1782-1852). Webster represented shipping and manufacturing interests of New England and spoke strongly for nationalism in the U.S. Senate.
--At right is the "Great Compromiser" Henry Clay (1777-1852). Clay was advocate of an economic "American System" and unsuccessful candidate for President in 1824, 1832, and 1844.
"The blow thus aimed against the industry of the South was retaliated by Nullification, a blow aimed against the industry of the North, and from 1833 to 1860 attacks and compromises were made."*


END OF PART THREE

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MEXICAN WAR, GOLDRUSH, AND THE WEST





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Text and digital images copyright (1999). All rights reserved. Copying or redistribution in any manner is prohibited. Any public or commercial use of these materials without prior written permission is a violation of copyright law.



CARTE DE VISITE

This visiting card style of photograph was a French invention, patented about 1854. In 1860, "Royal Album" carte de visite portraits of the royal family elevated the style into fashion.

Millions of cdv's were produced over the next fifteen years. In America, cdv's gained popularity during the Civil War because they were cheap, sturdy (for mailing), and available in multiple copies. Many individuals sat for their cdv portrait, but mass produced portraits of celebrities were also sold. Supposedly, more than 100,000 carte de visite photographs were produced and distributed of Abraham Lincoln alone.

The bottom or back of the cdv often advertized the photographer's name and address. Carte de visite's were usually collected in special albums designed to hold them. A typical cdv portrait was a head and shoulders or full length pose--usually an albumen photograph, but occasionally a salt print. The photograph was mounted on a stiff card measuring about 2 1/2 by 4 1/4 inches.

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Page references to John William Draper, The Civil War in America, Volume I (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1868).

TECHNOLOGY IN THE NORTH
ROBERT FULTON'S STEAMBOAT

". . . more firmly together." Pages 300-301
". . . and financial center." Pages 245-255
". . . a few moments." Pages 301-303
". . . millions of capital." Page 207
". . . position was wealth." Page 208



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Page references to John William Draper, The Civil War in America, Volume I (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1868).

THE MISSOURI QUESTION

". . . to excite surprise." Page 352
". . . a political kind." Pages 352-53
". . . War of 1812." Page 354
". . . to forgive them." Page 355
". . . indefinite westward extension." Page 358
". . . most vulnerable part." Page 359
". . . of the South." Page 361
". . . of the times." Page 359
". . . crowned with success." Page 28
". . . of the North." Page 359



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Page references to John William Draper, The Civil War in America, Volume I (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1868).

SECTIONALISM

". . . force its way." Pages 361-62
". . . known as Nullification." Page 362
". . . opposition to them." Pages 362-63
". . . compromises were made." Page 28


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